SECTION LXXII
"Virata said, 'Why, O best among the Pandavas, dost you not wish to
accept as wife this my daughter that I bestow upon thee?'
"Arjuna said, 'Residing in your inner apartments, I had occasion always to
behold your daughter, and she too, alone or in company trusted me as her
father. Well-versed in singing and dancing, I was liked and regarded by
her, and, indeed, your daughter always regardeth me as her protector. O
king, I lived for one whole year with her though she had attained the age
of puberty. Under these circumstances, thyself or other men may not
without reason, entertain suspicions against her or me. Therefore, O
king, myself who am pure, and have my senses under control, beg to thee,
O monarch, your daughter as my daughter-in-law. Thus do I attest her
purity. There is no difference between a daughter-in-law and a daughter,
as also between a son and son's own-self. By adopting this course,
therefore, her purity will be proved. I am afraid of slanderous and false
accusations. I accept, therefore, O king, your daughter Uttara as my
daughter-in-law. Surpassing all in knowledge of weapons, resembling a
celestial youth in beauty, my son, the mighty-armed Abhimanyu is the
favourite nephew of Vasudeva, the wielder of the discus. He, O king, is
fit to be your son-in-law and the husband of your daughter.'
"Virata said, 'It behoveth the best of the Kurus, Dhananjaya, the son of
Kunti, who is so virtuous and wise, to say this. O son of Pritha, do thou
carry out what you thinkest should be done after this. He that hath
Arjuna for the father of his son-in-law, hath all his desires gratified.'
"Vaisampayana continued, 'The monarch having said this, Yudhishthira, the
son of Kunti, gave his assent to what was thus agreed upon between the
Matsya king and Arjuna. And, O Bharata, the son of Kunti sent invitations
to Vasudeva and to all his friends and relatives, and Virata also did the
same. And then, after the expiry of the thirteenth year, the five
Pandavas took up their abode in one of Virata's towns called Upaplavya,
and Vibhatsu, the son of Pandu, brought over Abhimanyu and Janardana, and
also many people of the Dasarha race from the Anarta country. And the
king of Kasi, and also Saivya, being very friendly to Yudhishthira,
arrived there, each accompanied by an Akshauhini of troops. And the
mighty Drupada, also with the heroic sons of Draupadi and the
unvanquished Sikhandin, and that foremost of wielder of weapons, the
invincible Dhrishtadyumna came there with another Akshauhini of troops.
And all the kings that came were not only lords of Akshauhini, but
performers of sacrifices with gifts in profusion to Brahmanas, conversant
with the Vedas endued with heroism, and ready to die in battle. And
beholding them arrived, that foremost of virtuous men, the king of the
Matsyas, adored them duly, and entertained their troops and servants and
carriers of burdens. And he was highly pleased to bestow his daughter
upon Abhimanyu. And after the kings had come there from different parts
of the country, there came Vasudeva decked in floral garlands, and
Halayudha, and Kritavarman, the son of Hridika, and Yuyudhana, the son of
Satyaki, and Anadhristi and Akrura, and Samva and Nisatha. And these
repressers of foes came there bringing with them Abhimanyu and his
mother. And Indrasena and others, having lived at Dwaraka for one whole
year, came there, bringing with them the well adorned cars of the
Pandavas. And there came also ten thousand elephants and ten thousand
cars, and hundred millions of horses and hundred billions of
foot-soldiers, and innumerable Vrishni and Andhaka and Bhoja warriors of
great energy, in the train of that tiger among the Vrishnis, Vasudeva of
great effulgence. And Krishna gave unto each of the illustrious sons of
Pandu numerous female slaves, and gems and robes. And then the nuptial
festival set in between the families of the Matsya king and the Pandavas.
And then conchs and cymbals and horns and drums and other musical
instruments appointed by the Pandavas, began to play in the palace of
Virata. And deer of various kinds and clean animals by hundreds were
slain. And wines of various kinds and intoxicating juices of trees were
profusely collected. And mimes and bards and encomiasts, versed in
singing and legendary lore, waited upon the kings, and chanted their
praises and genealogies. And the matrons of the Matsyas of symmetrical
bodies and limbs, and wearing ear-rings of pearls and gems, headed by
Sudeshna, came to the place where the marriage knot was to be tied. And
amongst those beautiful females of fair complexion and excellent
ornaments, Krishna was the foremost in beauty and fame and splendour. And
they all came there, leading forth the princess Uttara decked in every
ornament and resembling the daughter of the great Indra himself. And then
Dhananjaya, the son of Kunti, accepted Virata's daughter of faultless
limbs on behalf of his son by Subhadra. And that great king,
Yudhishthira, the son of Kunti, who stood there like Indra, also accepted
her as his daughter-in-law. And having accepted her, the son of Pritha,
with Janardana before him, caused the nuptial ceremonies to be performed
of the illustrious son of Subhadra. And Virata then gave him (as dowry)
seven thousand steeds endued with the speed of the wind and two hundred
elephants of the best kind and much wealth also. And having duly poured
libations of clarified butter on the blazing fire, and paid homage unto
the twice-born ones, Virata offered to the Pandavas his kingdom, army,
treasury, and his own self. And after the marriage had taken place,
Yudhishthira, the son of Dharma, gave away unto the Brahmanas all the
wealth that had been brought by Krishna of unfading glory. And he also
gave away thousands of kine, and diverse kinds of robes, and various
excellent ornaments, and vehicles, and beds, delicious viands of various
kinds, and cardinal drinks of diverse species. And the king also made
gifts of land unto the Brahmanas with due rites, and also cattle by
thousands. And he also gave away thousands of steeds and much gold and
much wealth of other kinds, unto persons of all ages. And, O bull of the
Bharata race, the city of the Matsya king, thronged with men cheerful and
well-fed, shone brightly like a great festival.'"
The end of Virata Parva
FOOTNOTES
1. Brahma Vadini--Nilakantha explains this as Krishna-kirtanasila.
2. This speech of Vaisampayana is not included in some texts within the
second section. To include it, however, in the third, is evidently a
mistake.
3. The sloka commencing with Adushta and ending ratheshu cha does not
occur in texts except those in Bengal.
4. A difference reading is observable here. The sense, however, is the
same.
5. An independent female artisan working in another person's
house.--Wilson.
6. Some of the Bengal text and Sarvastramaya for Sarvamantramaya. The
former is evidently incorrect.
7. This is a very difficult sloka. Nilakantha adopts the reading
Sanjayet. The Bengal editions read Sanjapet. If the latter be the correct
reading, the meaning then would be,--'Let none talk about what transpires
in the presence of the king. For those even that are poor, regard it as a
grave fault.' The sense evidently is that the occurrences in respect of a
king which one witnesses should not be divulged. Even they that are
powerless regard such divulgence of what occurs in respect of them as an
insult to them, and, therefore, inexcusable.
8. The Bengal editions, read Rajna in the instrumental case. Following a
manuscript text of a Pandit of my acquaintance I read Rajnas in the
genitive.
9. Mahishasura, the son of Rambhasura. Durga had to fight for many many
years before she could slay this formidable Asura. The story occurs in
the Markandeya Purana. To this day, Bengal during the great Durga Puja
festival in autumn, worships the goddess with great veneration.
10. Literally, one that rescues from difficulty.
11. Kamachara is explained by Nilakantha thus, although in other places
it bears a quite different meaning.
12. Krita--attack; Pratikrita--warding it off; Sankata--clenched Some
texts read Sankatakais. The meaning then would be 'cased in gauntlets.'
13. Bhuti, Hri, Sri, Kirti and Kanti are respectively the feminine
embodiments of Prosperity, Modesty, Beauty, Fame and Loveliness.
14. What Draupadi means is that instead of passing her days in joy and
happiness, instead of being able to wish time to be stationary with her,
she is obliged in consequence of her misery, to wish time to pass off
quickly.
15. Jayate asyas--i.e., she from whom one is born.
16. Some texts read, Vilwam nagaviodhara--i.e., 'As an elephant lifts up
a vela fruit.'
17. Veri means both a kettle-drum and a trumpet. The latter however
conveys a better meaning here.
18. Literature, force of his thighs.
19. What Bhima says is this.--Then Gandharvas, your husbands, are always
obedient to thee! If they have been able to do you a service, they have
only repaid a debt.
20. Krita-krita--Nilakantha explains this to mean 'imagining themselves
to have achieved success in their mission' for having learnt of Kichaka's
death, they could readily guess the presence of the Pandavas there. This
is too far-fetched and does not at all agree with the spirit of their
report to Duryodhana below. And then the same word occurs in the very
last line of the Section. I take it that in both places the word has been
used in the same sense.
21. This is a very difficult sloka. I am not sure that I have understood
it alright. Both Nilakantha and Arjuna Misra are silent. Instead of
depending, however, on my own intelligence, I have consulted several
friends who have read the Mahabharata thoroughly. The grammatical
structure is easy. The only difficulty consists in the second half of the
sloka. The meaning, however, I have given is consistent with the tenor of
Bhishma's advice.
22. Indicating the unobstructed completion of the sacrifice.
23. The word tirtha here means, as Nilakantha rightly explains spies and
not holy spots.
24. Satram is explained by Nilakantha to mean here 'false disguise.' I
think, however, such an interpretation to be far-fetched. It evidently
means 'forest',--the use of 'pravisteshu' in connection with it almost
settles the point.
25. This sloka is not correctly printed in any of the texts that I have
seen. The reading that I adopt is that the second word is the participle
of the root budh and not the instrumental of budhi; the last word again
of the second line is a compound of valavatsu and avaleshu instead of (as
printed in many books) valavatswavaleshu. Any other reading would
certainly be incorrect. I have not consulted the Bombay text.
26. Bhagasas lit., each in its proper place. It may also mean, 'according
to their respective division.'
27. Kalyana-patalam is explained by Nilakantha to mean suvarna
pattachchaditam.
28. One of the generals of Virata.
29. Some differences of reading are noticeable here, for Yasaswinau some
texts read Manaswinau, and for Vahusamravdhau-Vahusanrambhat; and for
Nakha-naki--Ratha-rathi.
30. Some texts read Ghanabiva for Ghanarva. The latter is unquestionably
better in form.
31. The word in the original is Muhurta equal to 48 minutes. Nilakantha
points out very ingeniously that the night being the seventh of the dark
fortnight, the moon would not rise till after 14 Dandas from the hour of
sunset, a Danda being equal to 24 minutes. A Muhurta, therefore implies
not 48 minutes exactly, but some time.
32. Some Vikshyainam, Nilakantha explains Sama as a word spoken by Bhima
for assuring the captive Virata, and Vikshya as 'assuring' or 'consoling
by a glance.' Perhaps this is right.
33. The adjective Bhima-sankasas as explained by Nilakantha is in this
sense, quoting the celebrated simile of Valmiki.
34. To understand the comparison would require in the reader a knowledge
of the mechanism of the Indian Vina. Briefly, the Vina consists of a
bamboo of about cubits attached to two gourds towards its ends. Along the
bamboo which serves the purpose of a finger-board, is the main chord and
several thinner wires. All these pass over a number of frets, two and a
half heptachords, representing the total compass of the instrument. The
wires rest towards their ends on two pieces of ivory called Upadhanas in
Sanskrit or Swaris in Urdu.
35. Some read kaniasi for vaviasi. Both words are the same, and mean the
same thing.
36. Vedi-Vilagna madhya--Vedi in this connection means a wasp and not, as
explained by Mallinatha in his commentary of the Kumarasambhava, a
sacrificial platform. I would remark in passing that many of the most
poetic and striking adjectives in both the Raghu and the Kumarasambhava
of Kalidasa are borrowed unblushingly from the Ramayana and the
Mahabharata.
37. Padma patrabha-nibha may also mean 'of the splendour of the gem
called Marakata.' Nilakantha, however, shows that this would militate
against the adjective Kankojwalatwacham below.
38. The princess being of the complexion of burnished gold and Arjuna
dark as a mass of clouds, the comparison is exceedingly appropriate. The
Vaishnava poets of Bengal never tire of this simile in speaking of Radha
and Krishna in the groves of Vrindavana.
39. The words in the original is pranayam, lit., love. Nilakantha,
however, explains it as meaning modesty, humility. I think, Nilakantha is
right. The relations between Arjuna and the princess were like those
between father and daughter.
40. This sloka is not correctly printed in any of the texts that I have
seen. The Burdwan Pandits read tat-samim. This I think, is correct, but
then asasada in the singular when the other verbs are all dual seems to
be correct. The poet must have used some other verb in the dual for
asasada.
41. Some texts read Diptasya for Diptayam.
42. This sloka does not occur in every text. This is a typical
illustration of the round about way, frequently adopted by Sanskrit
writers, of expressing a simple truth. The excuse in the present instance
consists in Drona's unwillingness to identify the solitary hero with
Arjuna, in the midst of all his hearers. Nadiji is an exclamation
referring to Bhishma, the son of the river Ganga. Lankesa-vanari-ketu is
simply 'ape-bannered,' or as rendered in the text, having the devastator
of the gardens of Lanka's lord for the sign of his banner. Nagahvaya is
'named after tree' for Arjuna is the name of an Indian tree. Nagri-sunu
is 'Indra's son',--Indra being the foe of mountain, for formerly it was
he who cut off the wings of all mountains and compelled them to be
stationary. He failed only in the case of Mainaka, the son of Himavat.
43. Indian insects of a particular kind.
44. Most editions read chapas which is evidently wrong. The correct
reading is avapas, meaning quiver. The Burdwan Pandits give this latter
reading.
45. Some read chandrargha-darsanas. The correct reading is
chandrardha-darsanas.
46. Most editions read hema-punkha and silasita in the instrumental
plural; the correct reading is their nominative plural forms.
47. Sayaka means here, as explained by Nilakantha, a sword, and not a
shaft.
48. From the colour of his steeds.
49. Nilakantha spends much learning and ingenuity in making out that
sixty-five years in this connection means thirty-two years of ordinary
human computation.
50. Some texts read,--'One large meteor fell.'
51. In some editions read,--Bharata dwijam, and Maha-hardam for
maha-drumam. The meaning would then be,--'The banners (of the hostile
army) began to tremble in the sky, and large lakes were agitated."
52. Some texts read Maharatham (incorrectly) for hiranmayan. Indeed,
Maharatham would give no meaning in this connection. The incomplete
edition of the Roy Press under the auspices of the Principal of the
Calcutta Sanskrit College abounds with such incorrect readings and
misprints.
53. The Roy Press edition adds here a line which looks very much like an
interpolation.
54. The true reading is Acharya in the dual number, meaning Drona and
Kripa. Some texts read the word in the singular form. Nilakantha notices
both these reading, but prefers the dual to the singular.
55. The meaning is rather doubtful. Duryodhana seems to say that 'the
hostile appearance of Arjuna has been an act of imprudence on his part.
The Pandavas, after the expiry of the thirteenth year, would claim their
kingdom. I, Duryodhana, may or may not accede to their demand. When,
therefore, it was not certain that Arjuna would be refused by me, his
hostile appearance is unwise. He has come sure of victory, but he may yet
be defeated.'
56. The sense seems to be that when moralists even are puzzled in judging
of the propriety or otherwise of their acts, it can easily be imagined
that the Pandavas, however virtuous, have, in the matter of this their
appearance, acted wrongly, for, after all, the thirteenth year may not
have really been over as believed by them. Or, it may mean, that as
regards our presence here, we have not acted imprudently when even
moralists cannot always arrive at right conclusion. It seems that for
this Duryodhana proceeds to justify that presence in the following
sentences
